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THE MENNONITE BROTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA (1789 - 1910), P. M. Friesen, 1911
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Text fragment 377 (not an original page number)
Unit 377 of 984. Only the selected source passage is shown.
Ohrloff Church, which in no wise overlooks the disorder in connection
with the Lord’s Supper and other offenses (Peccata). m Regarding the
dissolution of this society, the council [of the five elders, March 11]
declared that it had employed all means available (from the point of view
of church polity) to influence the erring ones, and this in all love and
earnestness. (Can the above be true when Claassen submitted his
document, signed by 17 associates, to the elders on January 6, and
already on January 18 it was turned over to the Area Administrative
Office so that the latter might do whatever it could in the matter? Can it
be true when the last resort, the ban, had not yet been exercised against
the erring ones?) Regarding the further treatment and punishment of
them by the civil authorities, they ‘do not want to offer any
suggestions.’ I have obviously given vent to my feelings about this
document on a broad scale, but considered it necessary to do so in order
to contribute to a proper understanding of the whole, for against the
background of such an interpretation on the part of those who are to
judge spiritual things spiritually, secession indeed became a serious matter
of conscience for Claassen and his followers, m) On the other hand,
one ought not to overlook that which was obvious error in the Claassen
movement, its excessive zeal, which precipitated sin. If the declaration of
February 10, 1860, which Johann Claassen, Abraham Comelssen and
Isaak Koop had signed at the inspectorate, contained more than they
could, would, or wanted to admit, ‘that we will not separate ourselves
from the Mennonite Church and not undertake any religious actions
whatever, take no steps of a religious character which are prohibited by
Documentary Supplements
391
our church elders,’ then they were certainly at liberty to refuse to sign it.
In the event of transgression the government could rightly consider
them to be disobedient, as people whom one cannot trust even if they
had given their word. Did they not themselves call forth the punishing
arm of the government when already on March 21 it was reported that
Isaak Koop, disregarding the signature (referred to above) and against
the will of the church elders conducted meetings with like-minded
Mennonites, not only in his own home but also in the Rudnerweide
Colony, and when the secessionists elected H. Huebert of Liebenau and
Jakob Becker of Rudnerweide as ministers by majority vote in
Gnadenfeld on the 29th [30!] of May in the home of Jakob Reimer? And
when in plain insubordination to their government— the Area
Administrative Office— which, reminding them of the February 10
document, prohibited any religious actions and any speaking or
preaching at meetings, they replied through the village mayor’s office:
‘we will not obey the order of the Area Administrative Office,’ what
accountability did they then draw upon themselves? It makes one wonder
to see ministe
Source excerpts
[THE MENNONITE BROTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA (1789 - 1910), P. M. Friesen, 1911. Книга представляет документальную историю Меннонитской братской общины в России (1789-1910), основанную на архивных материалах, собранных автором за 25 лет. Автор, П. М. Фризен, со] P. M. FRIESEN OTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA ( 1789 - 1910 ) P. M. Friesen THE MENNONITE BROTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA ( 1789 - 1910 ) How do you write the history of a movement when you are still a part of that movement? Whom do you believe when leading participants in those historical events disagree strongly not only on why things happened, but also on what happen- ed? What imparts the ring of truth to a denominational history? For P. M. Friesen the answer was a documentary history, letting the record speak for itself. Gathering historical docu- ments ov…