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THE MENNONITE BROTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA (1789 - 1910), P. M. Friesen, 1911
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Text fragment 597 (not an original page number)
Unit 597 of 984. Only the selected source passage is shown.
titutional
Democrats,” even apart from their land-project; not to mention the other
parties even further to the left.) Since they were obliged as voters to
identify more closely with a party, they generally voted (we speak of the
general public, not of certain personalities) for the party of October 17, or
the "Octobrists,” 2 because it promised not to interfere with the religion
or nationality of minorities. One would have moved further to the right if
there had not been a concern for freedom of religion and language in
church and school. In view of such general social-political sentiments
among our Mennonites, it is not surprising that a Mennonite in a South-
Russian regional city was chairman of the department of the “Union of
the Russian People” or of the “Truly Russian People” (even though they
had often made fun of it). If the extreme confessionalism and nationalism
of the “Truly Russian People” had not been manifested in such a crass
manner, at least seventy-five percent of the Mennonites— “for the sake
of the Tsar” and out of fear and antipathy to democracy, socialism, and
§290
627
628
MATTERS OF FAITH
everything that smelled of revolution— would have been “Truly Russian
People” in the monarchical, patriotic, and social sense. A few
Merino nites— free thinkers— accepted a political platform (with the
reservation of an “unshakable monarchy,” the “indivisibility of the
Empire,” and the predominance of the Russian language as a bond of
unity in all public institutions even among those of alien tongues; but,
naturally, with unrestricted freedom of religion and the provision of
teaching the mother-tongue in the schools “alongside of Russian,” and
also with a strong emphasis of “only peaceful and intellectual-moral
means”) which, in its political and social objectives (but not in
strategy ), 3 was like the program of the constitutional democrats— even
before the appearance of the program of the party of “Peaceful Renewal”
of Count Heyden. All of this was without consequences. A few immature
young Mennonites, 4 tom from the native soil of their community, came
under the influence of urban youth groups whose thoughts were still
unclarified and in ferment, half-baked and illiterate educationally , 5 but
swept along by political ideas. These Mennonites, with thousands of
other unhappy young sons of our country , became the unfortunate victims
of this contemporary movement. (Because of their ignorance, they had
been blindly swept along by the wave.) The Mennonite Society of Russia
experienced real progress in the area of schools, benevolent institutions,
and journalism (cf. the special paragraphs, below). For a while
champions of the German language in the schools made their appearance
(a change in the relationship of the German and Russian languages,
demanding a two- to -one ratio) as an opposition, provoked by the
occasional authoritative and extreme imposition of the Russian
element— with n
Source excerpts
[THE MENNONITE BROTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA (1789 - 1910), P. M. Friesen, 1911. Книга представляет документальную историю Меннонитской братской общины в России (1789-1910), основанную на архивных материалах, собранных автором за 25 лет. Автор, П. М. Фризен, со] P. M. FRIESEN OTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA ( 1789 - 1910 ) P. M. Friesen THE MENNONITE BROTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA ( 1789 - 1910 ) How do you write the history of a movement when you are still a part of that movement? Whom do you believe when leading participants in those historical events disagree strongly not only on why things happened, but also on what happen- ed? What imparts the ring of truth to a denominational history? For P. M. Friesen the answer was a documentary history, letting the record speak for itself. Gathering historical docu- ments ov…