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THE MENNONITE BROTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA (1789 - 1910), P. M. Friesen, 1911
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Text fragment 217 (not an original page number)
Unit 217 of 984. Only the selected source passage is shown.
t” and retained his “connection 18 with the dear
Savior” to the end. Even Jakob Reimer of Gnadenfeld in spite of his very
different character, belonged to the movement of the “joyous,” though
never without some reservations, and even before Claassen he decisively
opposed the movement.
§78 5. The disharmony, which also entered into the relationship between
Wuest and the Mennonite brethren as a consequence, is most certainly
stubbornly suppressed not only in all of their reminiscences intended for
the public but also in their most private correspondence because of a
feeling of shame and repentance. “Before the separation” and— "when
the pastor and all the others were still together”— is all that one can find
in the unusually numerous, detailed and intimate letters of Claassen and
Reimer. Love and a touching respect are visible in all of the places where
the “pastor,” as Wuest was generally called, is mentioned, as can be seen
from Refiner’s “reports,” whose house, “until the separation” in 1858,
was the pastor-prophet’s quarters.
§79 6. With this separation, or, at the very least, this alienation of a
large number of brethren, among whom were many of his special
favorites, such as Hottmann, Claassen, Reimer and Bartel, there came a
time for Wuest in which he witnessed the burning of all that which he
had built of wood and straw on Jesus Christ, the one foundation, aside
from the gold and precious stones. Now he was “flailed with the very
rods 19 he had planted,” as he used to say according to a letter of his
widow to the Rev. Abram Kroeker of 1900. But it is wrong to conclude,
as the Privy Councillor Prinz (a child of Neu-Hoffnung and Advanced
Secondary School teacher in Berdiansk) does at the end of his
wonderfully written, lively and trustworthy description of the pastor
that Wuest— in the last years of his life when he became sickly— took
spiritual stock of his life, began to exercise self-criticism, adopted
the position embodied in the “Temple” 20 (movement) of Christoph
Hoffmann and Christoph Paulus. That would not have been criticism
of his former activity; that would have been a fall from the faith
which he had preached throughout his ministry in Wuerttemberg
(three to four years) and in Russia (fourteen years). Even his widow
protested against this assumption with counter-evidence. If Wuest did
indeed listen to Kirschenhardthoff and Hoffmann during the last years of
his life, one must remember that Hoffmann then still energetically wrote
and spoke in an “orthodox” fashion, orthodox in the good evangelical
sense of the term. Even the elder brethren, who had long since left the
Church, Huebert, Claassen, Reimer and others, still listened to Hoffmann
Pastor Wuest
225
for a long time, until well into the 1870s, when Hoffmann, through his
"circular” (“Sendschreiben”), which he sent out as the official doctrinal
statement in his capacity as the “Head of the Temple Congregation” with
wide-ran
Source excerpts
[THE MENNONITE BROTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA (1789 - 1910), P. M. Friesen, 1911. Книга представляет документальную историю Меннонитской братской общины в России (1789-1910), основанную на архивных материалах, собранных автором за 25 лет. Автор, П. М. Фризен, со] P. M. FRIESEN OTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA ( 1789 - 1910 ) P. M. Friesen THE MENNONITE BROTHERHOOD IN RUSSIA ( 1789 - 1910 ) How do you write the history of a movement when you are still a part of that movement? Whom do you believe when leading participants in those historical events disagree strongly not only on why things happened, but also on what happen- ed? What imparts the ring of truth to a denominational history? For P. M. Friesen the answer was a documentary history, letting the record speak for itself. Gathering historical docu- ments ov…